25 Apr 2024
Friday 18 July 2014 - 14:58
Story Code : 107342

How the West chose war in Gaza

JERUSALEM ASHamasfires rockets at Israeli cities andIsraelfollows up its extensive airstrikes with a ground operation in theGaza Strip, the most immediate cause of this latest war has been ignored: Israel and much of the international community placed a prohibitive set of obstacles in the way of thePalestiniannational consensus government that was formed in early June.
That government was created largely because of Hamass desperation and isolation. The groups alliance with Syria and Iran was in shambles. Its affiliation with the Muslim Brotherhood inEgyptbecame a liability after a July 2013 coup replaced an ally, President Mohamed Morsi, with a bitter adversary, Gen. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Hamass coffers dried up as General Sisi closed the tunnels that had brought to Gaza the goods and tax revenues on which it depended.


Seeing a region swept by popular protests against leaders who couldnt provide for their citizens basic needs, Hamas opted to give up official control of Gaza rather than risk being overthrown. Despite having won the last elections, in 2006, Hamas decided to transfer formal authority to the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah. That decision led to a reconciliation agreement between Hamas and the Palestine Liberation Organization, on terms set almost entirely by the P.L.O. chairman andPalestinian Authoritypresident,Mahmoud Abbas.


Israel immediately sought to undermine the reconciliation agreement by preventing Hamas leaders and Gaza residents from obtaining the two most essential benefits of the deal: the payment of salaries to 43,000 civil servants who worked for the Hamas government and continue to administer Gaza under the new one, and the easing of the suffocating border closures imposed by Israel and Egypt that bar most Gazans passage to the outside world.


Yet, in many ways, the reconciliation government could have served Israels interests. It offered Hamass political adversaries a foothold in Gaza; it was formed without a single Hamas member; it retained the same Ramallah-based prime minister, deputy prime ministers, finance minister and foreign minister; and, most important, it pledged to comply with the three conditions for Western aid long demanded by America and its European allies: nonviolence, adherence to past agreements and recognition of Israel.


Israel strongly opposed American recognition of the new government, however, and sought to isolate it internationally, seeing any small step toward Palestinian unity as a threat. Israels security establishment objects to the strengthening ofWest Bank-Gaza ties, lest Hamas raise its head in the West Bank. And Israelis who oppose a two-state solution understand that a unified Palestinian leadership is a prerequisite for any lasting peace.


Still, despite its opposition to the reconciliation agreement, Israel continued to transfer the tax revenues it collects on the Palestinian Authoritys behalf, and to work closely with the new government, especially on security cooperation.


But the key issues of paying Gazas civil servants and opening the border with Egypt were left to fester. The new governments ostensible supporters, especially the United States and Europe, could have pushed Egypt to ease border restrictions, thereby demonstrating to Gazans that Hamas rule had been the cause of their isolation and impoverishment. But they did not.


Instead, after Hamas transferred authority to a government of pro-Western technocrats, life in Gaza became worse.




Ok, so let's buy them off. Does it matter whose money it is?That worked fine when Carter bought off both Egypt and Israel. Wait, did it? ...

Thanks for this perspective. I like hearing both sides of the story. That said, I think both sides deserve a lot of criticism. They both...Everybody in the Middle East plays hardball. And everybody tries to stage shows to elicit sympathy and support. The shows frequently...
Qatar had offered to pay Gazas 43,000 civil servants, and America and Europe could have helped facilitate that. But Washington warned that American law prohibited any entity delivering payment to even one of those employees many thousands of whom are not members of Hamas but all of whom are considered by American law to have received material support from a terrorist organization.
When a United Nations envoy offered to resolve this crisis by delivering the salaries through the United Nations, so as to exclude all parties from legal liability, the Obama administration did not assist. Instead, it stood by as Israels foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, called for the envoys expulsion on the grounds that he was trying to funnel money to Hamas.


Hamas is now seeking through violence what it couldnt obtain through a peaceful handover of responsibilities. Israel is pursuing a return to the status quo ante, when Gaza had electricity for barely eight hours a day, water was undrinkable, sewage was dumped in the sea, fuel shortages caused sanitation plants to shut down and waste sometimes floated in the streets. Patients needing medical care couldnt reach Egyptian hospitals, and Gazans paid $3,000 bribes for a chance to exit when Egypt chose to open the border crossing.


For many Gazans, and not just Hamas supporters, its worth risking more bombardment and now the ground incursion, for a chance to change that unacceptable status quo. A cease-fire that fails to resolve the salary crisis and open Gazas border with Egypt will not last. It is unsustainable for Gaza to remain cut off from the world and administered by employees working without pay. A more generous cease-fire, though politically difficult for Prime MinisterBenjamin Netanyahu, would be more durable.


The current escalation in Gaza is a direct result of the choice by Israel and the West to obstruct the implementation of the April 2014 Palestinian reconciliation agreement. The road out of the crisis is a reversal of that policy.


This article was written byNathan Thrall for the opinion page of the New York Times on July 17,2014. Nathan Thrall is a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group covering Gaza, Israel, Jordan and the West Bank.





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